Trial of Patriarch Tikhon
Patriarch Tikhon's freedom of movement was first restricted
in 1919, but his formal arrest and incarceration--first in
a monastery, and later in the prison of Moscow's GPU--took
place in the autumn of 1922, after the trial of Metropolitan
Benjamin, when the Soviet authorities made the following accusations
against the Patriarch: 1) that the Patriarch hindered the
saving of the lives of those perishing from the famine; 2)
that the Patriarch sympathized with the counter-Revolutionary
movement during the Civil War, and with his authority supported
the actions of emigé "counter-Revolutionary"
circles (in particular the political aspect of the activity
of the Church Council of 1922 in Sremski-Karlovtsi, the so-call
Karlovtsi Council). These accusations were totally unsubstantiated
and were in no way proven. On the contrary, even in the official
press at the time, the Epistles and Appeals of His Holiness
the Patriarch were published, from which his ardent desire
to save the starving was clearly evident. The principled,
apolitical character of Patriarch Tikhon was also well known
Nevertheless, the Soviet regime arrested the Patriarch and
organized demonstrations among the benighted masses and riffraff
of the populace for the adoption everywhere of resolutions
demanding the death sentence for the Primate of the Russian
Orthodox Church. Knowing the Soviet regime's methods of "influencing"
the populace (even to the point of torturing children before
their parents' very eyes), it is no surprise that such "resolutions"
began to appear everywhere, in great numbers.
It is sufficient to cite a single example of such a negative
and abominable "resolution" to understand the full
vileness of the agitation provoked by the government against
the imprisoned Patriarch. Thus, for example, such a "resolution,"
attributed to the peasants of the Zagarskaya Administrative
Region (province not indicated), was published in the News
of the VTsIK [VTsIK, or Vserossiiskii Tsentral'niy Ispolnitel'niy
Komitet, was the All-Russian Central Executive Committee--trans.]
(#87 , dated 21 April 1923): "We, non-partisan
peasants of the Zagarskaya Administrative Region, having learned
that Patriarch Tikhon is to be tried in court in the near
future, declare that he is a blood-sucker in a riassa, a counter-Revolutionary
and a cannibal. We demand of the Central Soviet authorities
that they inflict upon the blood-sucker Patriarch Tikhon a
stern and pitiless measure of punishment."
After a series of such "demands from the populace,"
there appeared in the News of the VTsIK (#90 , dated
25 April 1923) the following remark: "Mass resolutions
of the clergy denouncing the Patriarch even before trial as
both a traitor to the Church and a counter-Revolutionary criminal,
serve as the best answer to the White Guard curs." The
well-known Communist Krylenko, assigned to prosecute the case
of Patriarch Tikhon, addressing the representatives of provincial
organizations gathered in Moscow to submit the "resolutions"
of those organizations demanding that the death sentence be
imposed upon the Patriarch, said to those assembled: "The
fate of citizen Tikhon is in our hands, and you can rest assured
that we will not spare this representative of the classes
which, over the course of centuries, have oppressed the Russian
people, and which to this time have not abandoned their intention
to wage war on the sovereign will of the Russian proletariat.
The Soviet government has reached the firm decision to respond
to these attempts with the most energetic reprisal. It will
be pitiless and will show leniency to no one. The proletariat
must at all costs maintain the positions it has gained. At
the present time, one of the main stages of the war we are
waging is the war against religious prejudices and the blind
fanaticism of the masses. We have declared war on religion,
war against all religious denominations, of whatever kind
they are: the Russian people must be freed from the yoke of
The persecutions and oppression of the Church by the atheist
Soviet regime were still not the most terrible trial of the
faithful. Such a trial ensued when there appeared within the
Church itself a movement started by the traitor priests Vvedensky
and Krasnitsky. This movement, known as the "Living Church"
or "Renovationism," began to grow after the arrest
of the Patriarch, and quickly spread throughout all of Soviet
Russia. This was a crop sown even before the Revolution by
the liberal intelligentsia. The Revolution perverted the hierarchy
of spiritual values. The sacred formula of Orthodox Russian
Autocratic National Government, "Orthodoxy, Autocracy,
Nationality," under which the masses of the people were
held in check by the authority of the government, which was
responsible before God and the Orthodox Church, was destroyed.
Instead of that sacred formula there appeared a wicked, satanic,
anti-Christian formula: "the dictatorship of the proletariat,"
with its demand, "All power to the Soviets."
The supreme spiritual value--religion--was also overthrown.
Faith in God was replaced with faith in atheism and materialism.
The interests of the whole nation were reduced to the interests
of the proletarian and peasant classes. Yet in view of the
"backwardness" of the peasant class, the leading
rôle was ceded to the proletariat. And since the entire
proletariat was en masse also referred to as "comprehending
little," the "dictatorship of the proletariat"
was transformed into the Dictatorship of the Bolshevik Communist
Party. Yet since the Party as a whole was also acknowledged
to be "insufficiently aware," the "dictatorship"
passed to the Party's leadership, an organized group of people
united by a common atheistic-materialistic Marxist-Communist
At the head of the Party stood the "leader"--at
first Lenin, then Stalin. The leader received absolutely unlimited
power. Thus, Orthodoxy (and along with it every higher religious
value) was replaced. The Tsar was murdered, and the ideal
of Orthodox Autocratic Royal authority was discarded. The
falsely-so-called "power of the people" was in fact
transformed into a despotic power of a single person over
the people, a person responsible to no-one, who confessed
no religion or morality. "I will smite the shepherd and
scatter the sheep."
After the Shepherd-Patriarch was smitten, the sheep were scattered.
There appeared traitorous Judases within the Church itself,
and a pack of wolves in sheeps' clothing abetting them. There
arose, in the words of the priest Prof. Cyril Zaitsev, "The
nightmare of a counterfeit church, which turned out to be,
in various places, in possession of nearly all the churches
(C. Zaitsev, The Orthodox Church in Soviet Russia [Shanghai,
1947]). The "Living," "Renovationist"
church, supported by a Soviet regime that with all its power
rained down persecutions, terror and tortures on the "Tikhonite,"
i.e., the legal, patriarchal Russian Orthodox Church, began
to spread all throughout Russia.
Patriarch Tikhon was arrested and isolated from the populace.
Yet in spirit the populace was with the Patriarch. In response
to the persecutions and martyrdoms, the faithful flock, even
though majority of them submitted to the Soviet regime, could
not bear the taste of tortures and began to ignore the "Red
Church" and decided that it was better not to attend
any church than to attend a "church" of traitors.
There also appeared confessors, and even martyrs, for the
"Tikhonite" Church. When the number of these confessors
and martyrs gradually, slowly, yet constantly increased, the
Soviet regime decided not to create a "new Hermogen,"
it abandoned its plan to execute Patriarch Tikhon.
It was decided to use torture, if not physical, then moral,
and diabolically clever temptations, to move the Patriarch
himself to compromises which he might make personally, from
the height (moral and administrative) of his patriarchal throne.
On 12 May 1922, even before the Patriarch was entirely deprived
of freedom, under circumstances which have yet to be fully
explained, Patriarch's Tikhon's consent to a temporary transfer
of the supreme administration of the Church to another hierarch
was wrested from him.
On that day, a group of clergymen, consisting of Archpriest
Vvedensky, the priests Krasnitsky and Kalinovsky, and the
precentor Stadnik, presented themselves to the Patriarch at
the Metochion of the Holy Trinity Lavra and had an lengthy
discussion with him. The gist of the discussion was a demand
that Patriarch Tikhon convoke a Local Council, the purpose
of which was supposedly to place the Church in good order,
and that Patriarch divorce himself entirely from the administration
of the Church until the Council reached a decision. As a moral
torture intended to "influence" the decision of
the Patriarch, the following device was used by this group
of "revolutionary clergy": the Patriarch was shown
that after the just concluded trial conducted by the Moscow
Provinical Military Tribunal (in a case involving opposition
to the confiscation of church valuables), eleven men were
sentenced to death.
If the Patriarch agreed to the suggestion that he renounce
his authority, these eleven men would not be executed. After
this torturous conversation, the following was published in
the News of the VTsIK: "The group of clergymen demanded
of Patriarch Tikhon that he convoke a Local Council to set
the Church in good order, and that he divorce himself completely
from the administration of the Church. As a result of this
conversation, after some hesitation, the Patriarch signed
the abdication, transferring his authority to one of the senior
hierarchs until the Local Council could be called."
The eleven men who received the death sentence were not executed.
The Patriarch appointed the 70-year old Metropolitan Agafangel
as his locum tenens. But the Soviet regime refused to allow
Metropolitan Agafangel to leave Yaroslavl', and he was subsequently
arrested. Not long before the arrest of Metropolitan Agafangel,
a delegation from the "Living Church" went to him,
promising their support if he would recognize the "Living
Church" and participate in its work. The Metropolitan
refused and soon after was arrested.
Not satisfied with all they had succeeded in accomplishing
as a result of the imprisonment of the Patriarch, early in
May of 1923 the Soviet regime convoked a pseudo-Church Council
consisting of representatives of the clergy and laity obedient
to it. With the help of devices unsurpassed for their cynicism,
all unsatisfactory elements at the "elections" at
the "Council" were excluded. One of the "resolutions"
of this "Council" was the deposition of the Patriarch,
merely to enable the Soviet regime to condemn the Head of
the Church as a simple layman.
Patriarch Tikhon himself refused to recognize this resolution
as legal. To characterize this "red council," as
the masses of the faithful referred to it, it is sufficient
to quote two passages of its "Appeal." "The
Second Council of the Russian Orthodox Church, commencing
its labors, sends its thanks to the All-Russia Executive Committee
for its permission for the chosen sons of the Church to meet
to deliberate imminent questions. Together with these thanks,
the Council also sends its greeting to the Supreme Organ of
the Workers' and Peasants' Authority, and to V. I. Lenin.
Using governmental methods, the great October Revolution is
bringing to life the great principles of equality and labor,
which are also contained in Christian doctrine."
The greeting concludes with the words: "The Council wishes
V. I. Lenin the most speedy recovery of his health, that he
may again stand in the vanguard of those who battle for great
social truth." The moral authority of those who took
part in the "Council" is defined by the following
words of one of its principal leaders, Archpriest Vvedensky,
which were printed in the News of the VTsIK (#97, 1923): "We
must address words of profound gratitude to the government,
which, contrary to the slander of emigré whisperers,
is not persecuting the Church. In Russia, every person can
confess his own convictions. A word of thanks must also be
given to the sole authority in the world which does, without
believing, that work of love which we who believe do not do,
and also to Lenin, the leader of Soviet Russia."
One of the "Conciliar Resolutions" of the "Red
Council" was the following: "The people of the Church
should not view the Soviet authority as the power of Antichrist.
On the contrary, the Council directs attention to the fact
that the Soviet authority, using governmental methods, is
the only one in the world that is able to realize the ideals
of the kingdom of God. For this reason, every believing member
of the Church must be not only an honest citizen, but must
also strive in every way possible, together with the Soviet
authority, for the realization on earth of the ideals of the
kingdom of God."
With great sorrow and holy indignation one should note that
the Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople expressed
his solidarity with the Soviet regime regarding the question
of the condemnation of Patriarch Tikhon. At the same time,
on the part of the Western world, in the person of a whole
series of prominent social and political figures in Europe,
serious attention was shown the trial and fate of Patriarch
Tikhon--attention which did not fail to have an influence
on the Soviet regime (see the roster and account of all the
Appeals to the Soviet Government lodged by various governments,
in The Black Book of A. A. Valentinov [Paris, 1925]).
The proposed trial of the Patriarch, of which all the Soviet
newspapers wrote at length, many times, and maliciously, with
advance agitation for the death sentence, did not take place.
The Soviet regime used the Patriarch's imprisonment to organize
a new ecclesiastical authority, the so-called "Living"
or "Renovationist" church, which, with the help
of propaganda, terror and violence, began to spread throughout
the whole country, all the while cruelly and pitilessly persecuting
the so-called Tikhonites, i.e. those who remained faithful
to His Holiness, Patriarch Tikhon.
Reading the newspapers in prison, His Holiness, Patriarch
Tikhon became increasingly horrified with each passing day,
seeing how the "Living Churchmen" and "Renovationists"
were taking into their own hands control of all the churches
and the entire supreme ecclesiastical authority in Russia.
With great sorrow one should not that even prominent hierarchs
(e.g., Metropolitan Sergy [Stragorodsky] of Nizhegorod, who
at one time had embraced Renovationism, but later repented),
were tempted and fell during the time of persecutions.
At that time, the moral tortures to which the Patriarch was
subjected in prison were intensified. Before His Holiness
was dangled the possibility of disbanding the entire "Red
Church" and the easing of the indescribable sufferings
of the true believers, if only he would compromise with the
atheist regime. The problem that confronted him was: under
what conditions is the legalization of the Orthodox Church
under a godless and atheistic government possible?
The Patriarch had to use his own prestige and fame as a martyr
to sacrifice, if required, all possibilities for the good
of the Church, without doing anything to compromise the prestige
of the Orthodox Church itself, Christian morality in general,
or the mood of the people and clergy of the Church, and without
violating the canons of the Church. To this end, in addition
to issuing Epistles and Statements acceptable to the Soviet
regime, Patriarch Tikhon duly attempted to mollify it by introducing
the New Calendar (after this had been done by the Ecumenical
Church of Constantinople), to establish around him a Supreme
Ecclesiastical Administration which included an agent (a certain
archpriest) of the Bolsheviks, and to propose the commemoration
of the authorities during the divine services.
But when the hierarchy, clergy and people loyal to the Patriarch
refused to accept these measures on the local level, the Patriarch
willingly and gladly canceled his directives. Seeing the iniquitous
dominion of the Renovationists, achieved with the help of
the Soviet regime; seeing the sea of blood, and hearing from
every quarter the groans wrested from the faithful during
their unbelievable tortures; seeing how, one by one, even
the elect were falling and stumbling (e.g., Metropolitan Sergy
of Vladimir, later of Nizhegorod, who addressed an archpastoral
appeal for all to unite with those who had unconditionally
submitted to the Supreme Ecclesiastical Administration of
the "Living" "Renovationist" Church),
His Holiness, Patriarch Tikhon decided to consent to that
series of concessions and compromises with the Soviet regime
which might have cast a shadow over the moral personality
of the Patriarch himself, but which not only did not bring
spiritual harm to the Church, but even preserved its spiritual
His Holiness Patriarch Tikhon agreed to sign an Epistle in
which he condemned any infringement of the Soviets' authority,
and dissociated himself from all counter-Revolution. On 26
June 1923, a terse statement on the release of the Patriarch
from prison was published, stunning everyone with its unexpectedness.
In the 29 June 1932 issue of the News of the VTsIK, the Epistle
of the Patriarch, which he had issued the evening before,
was published, under the heading "Among the Churchly":
"To the archpastors, pastors and flock of the Orthodox
Church." In it, the Patriarch refused to recognize the
sentence pronounced on him by the "Living Church Council,"
and refuted the accusations made against him by the "Council";
he was innocent of political counter-revolution, since, already
by 1919, he had given the Church precise orders not to meddle
in politics. "Of course," wrote the Patriarch, "I
do not present myself as such a partisan of the Soviet authorities
as the Renovationists declare themselves to be, nor am I such
a counter-revolutionary as the "Council" presents
me." Here the Patriarch declares: "I resolutely
condemn all infringement against the Soviet authorities, from
wherever it might come."
The moment of His Holiness, Patriarch Tikhon's emergence from
prison made an impression on its eyewitnesses. "A crowd
of many thousands had long poured in, filling the whole square
around the prison. A carriage stood beyond. A large force
of the secret police on either side of the crowd formed a
corridor from the gates of the prison to the carriage. After
a long wait, the gates opened and the Patriarch appeared.
His hair was long, disheveled, gray; his beard was matted;
his eyes were deeply sunken in a gaunt face; an old soldier's
greatcoat was wrapped around his naked body. The Patriarch
was barefoot." Shaken, the crowd of many thousands fell
to their knees as a single man and made a prostration. Slowly,
the Patriarch walked to the carriage, blessing the crowd with
both hands, and tears flowed down his ravaged face."
The people greeted His Holiness the Patriarch with tears of
great, inexpressible joy.
Only to a small degree was the joy dimmed by the fact of the
Patriarch's "repentance" before the Soviet regime,
which the newspaper began to exaggerate intensively. The people
understood the motives which moved the Patriarch to sign such
a "paper," and they did not accord it any significance,
understanding perfectly, without being told, that this was
really only a "paper" which to no extent essentially
defined either the Patriarch's relationship to the Soviet
regime or the relationship of the Soviet regime to the Patriarch.
The freeing of the Patriarch was a great historical event
in the history of the much-suffering Russian Orthodox Church.
There are no words to express the universal exultation of
the faithful, the general relief from the never-ending nightmare
of the "Living" "Renovationist" church
and its "Supreme Ecclesiastical Administration."
All the impurity of this pseudo-church was, in a single moment,
swept away, melted away like wax by fire, like smoke by the
wind, like a nightmare when one awakes.
The activity of the "Living Church Renovationists,"
from the point of view of the Orthodox Church, was more horrible
than the activity of the Bolshevik party-members. Falsehood
within the heart of the Church is more terrible than falsehood
anywhere else. Having established that falsehood and deception
were the fundamental activities of the "Living Churchmen,"
His Holiness, Patriarch Tikhon pronounced upon them stern
interdicts, and held their resolutions to be of no effect,
null and void. All the actions and sacraments performed by
such bishops and priests who had fallen away from the Church
the Patriarch declared to be "devoid of grace and of
no effect." The Patriarch proposed that all the priests
and bishops who had turned aside into sin cleanse themselves
by repentance and return to the bosom of the one, universal
Many repented. But why was Patriarch Tikhon set free and delivered
from trial when the death sentence had already been pronounced
upon him? Of course, those protests which were lodged by foreign
governments throughout the world carried great weight. But
of even greater significance was the growth of the moral authority
of those persecuted for the immaculate bride of Christ, the
true "Tikhonite" Russian Orthodox Church. Tormenting
Patriarch Tikhon constantly and morally torturing him, the
Soviet regime missed no opportunity to stress that all the
blood shed by the faithful depended directly on the conduct
of the Patriarch.
One day, the Patriarch had to take a personal part, as a witness,
in the trial initiated by the Bolsheviks against a group of
clergymen. The Patriarch was warned that the fate of the accused
depended on his testimony. This was a trial involving a great
many priests, and concluded early in May of 1922, at which
"red justice" was showcased. Here is an eyewitness
description of the Patriarch's interrogation and the conduct
of the accused and the audience. "When the stately figure,
robed in black, appeared at the doors of the hall, accompanied
by two escorts, everyone involuntarily stood up. All heads
bowed low in profound, respectful homage. His Holiness the
Patriarch calmly and majestically made the sign of the Cross
over the accused and, turning upon the judges a direct, stern
and majestic gaze, awaited his interrogation, leaning on his
staff. 'You gave orders that your Appeal be read publicly,
calling the people to refuse to submit to the authorities?'
asked the presiding judge. The Patriarch answered calmly:
'The authorities are well aware that there was in my Appeal
no call to refuse to submit to the authorities, only a call
to preserve our holy things, and in the name of preserving
them to request the authorities to permit us to pay the monetary
equivalent of their value, so that, while aiding the starving
brethren in such a way, we might still preserve our holy objects.'
'So, this Appeal will cost the lives of your dutiful servants,'
said the presiding judge, indicating with a dramatic gesture
the accused seated on a bench. "The elder cast a kind
and loving glance at the ministers of the altar and said clearly
and firmly: 'I have always said, both to the investigative
authorities and to all the people, that in this I alone am
guilty. These are merely my army of Christ, which is obediently
carrying out the orders of the leader given it by God. But
if a redemptive victim is required, innocent lambs of the
flock of Christ must die.' Here the voice of the Patriarch
rose and was audible in all corners of the immense hall; and
he himself seemed to grow when, turning to the accused, he
raised his hand and blessed them, loudly and distinctly saying:
'I bless the faithful servants of the Lord Jesus Christ to
suffer and die for Him.' The accused fell to their knees.
The interrogation of the Patriarch was over."
That evening's session did not continue. "At dawn on
25 April 1922, the sentence of the 'just and impartial' 'people's'
court was handed down: eighteen men were to be executed by
firing squad, the rest were to be imprisoned for terms of
various lengths. The suggestion of the presiding judge that
an appeal for leniency be made to the higher authorities was
responded to by Archpriest Zaozersky in an ardent speech and
was rejected by all those sentenced." Only a deep sigh
was audible in the hall at the pronouncement of the sentence;
not a groan, not weeping.
A great redemptive sacrifice was to be offered up for the
sins of the Russian people, and the people dispersed in silence.
Yet not to their homes, but to the square, where all night
more and more awaited the fatal moment. It was already light,
the sun had already risen, when the heavy doors of the court
opened and those sentenced to death emerged on the square,
surrounded by a forest of bayonets. They walked bare-headed,
their arms crossed upon their breasts, their eyes upraised
to heaven, where the good Redeemer of the world awaited them,
where all is forgiven, all is forgotten, where there are no
sufferings, no evil. And a loud and exultant hymn poured forth
from them: "Christ is risen from the dead."
Ecstatically, the people responded to them, crying: "Truly
He is risen!" They kissed their hands, the hems of their
garments. The guards fended off the crowd with their rifle-butts,
yet they swelled in number, pressing against the soldiers.
Mounted detachments appeared and pushed the people back with
their horses; they beat them back with their rifle-butts,
with whips--all to no avail. The ecstatic singing poured forth,
the ecstatic people hurled themselves at the martyrs. A truck
carrying soldiers of the Red Army forced its way into the
crowd. They seized the convicted and literally threw them
into it. The truck rumbled and sped off. Yet the joyous "Christ
is risen!" was long heard, was long audible in the clear
air of the sunny spring morning."
The "red courts" and "show trials" clearly
revealed the astounding moral purity and religious struggle
of the true-believing "Tikhonites" and the loathsome
baseness and treachery of all the Renovationists. These courts
and trials became the most powerful religious preaching, instead
of serving as antireligious propaganda. This was not immediately
grasped by the Soviet authorities. And they left many documented
facts which future historians can use to reproach them. The
main argument against the "Living Churchmen" and
"Renovationists," which the Patriarch, clergy and
laity all used, was the pointing out of the violation of the
sacred canons of the Orthodox Church.
All of this forced the Soviet regime gradually and radically
to alter its religious policy and to adopt new methods to
demoralize the Church. The atheists began to search for such
a "canonically correct" bishop, who might agree,
without violating the canons, to serve the satanic regime
of Antichrist. All the concessions made by His Holiness Patriarch
Tikhon did not satisfy the Soviet government. The Patriarch
had not surrendered the spiritual freedom of the Church. In
all his "repentances" and so-called "acts,"
the canonically correct Patriarch had not agreed to "serve"
the Soviet regime as it required. And those of the bishops
who had agreed to such service had violated the canons.
For this reason, the principal objective of the Soviet regime
with regard to the Church was the attempt to form, in a canonically
correct way, the "servile" Church it required. Twice
attempts were made on the life of the Patriarch. One day,
a certain supposedly "insane" man threw himself
at a bishop as he was leaving the sanctuary, but seeing that
this was not the Patriarch, he did the bishop no harm. On
9 December 1923, at 8:00 P.M., Iakov Pozolov, the Patriarch's
attendant, was murdered. According to the testimony of a friend
of Patriarch Tikhon, Bishop Maxim (in secular life, Dr. M.
A. Zhizhilenko), at the time of the murder of his attendant,
the Patriarch was in the same room, sitting in an arm-chair;
but the murderer didn't see him.
Moral tortures, in the form of endless, clandestine, private
"conversations" between the secret police and the
Patriarch, continued. It is difficult to imagine how the Patriarch
suffered. They brought him to the point where, though by nature
he was a very calm man, he trembled in agitation and annoyance
when informed of the arrival of a secret police agent. In
the spring of 1924, Patriarch Gregory of Constantinople tried
to meddle in the affairs of the Church of Russia with the
aim of "reconciling" the "Tikhonites"
and the "Living Churchmen."
His Holiness, Patriarch Tikhon categorically rejected this
attempt. On 25 March 1925, the feast of the Annunciation,
His Holiness, Patriarch Tikhon, that greatest of the new-martyrs
of Russia, reposed. According to the testimony of Bishop Maxim
(Dr. M. A. Zhizhilenko), the Patriarch was poisoned. After
the death of the Patriarch, a forged "Deathbed Appeal
of Patriarch Tikhon" was produced, which contradicted
what the Hieromartyr had preached and confessed throughout
his entire life.
There are direct proofs that it is a forgery. In the "Appeal,"
the Patriarch calls himself "Patriarch of Moscow &
the Whole Russian Church." The Patriarch had never referred
to himself in this way. He always referred to himself as "Patriarch
of Moscow & All Russia." The signature at the end--"Patriarch
Tikhon"--was also never used by His Holiness. He always
signed with the words "The humble Tikhon, Patriarch of
Moscow & All Russia."
The funeral of the Patriarch was a worldwide event. Many millions
of the faithful came to pay homage at the coffin, and later,
at the grave of the Patriarch. Among the countless wreaths
were many from abroad. One such wreath bore the inscription,
"To a Martyr for Religion."
From Ivan M. Andreev's book, A Brief Overview of the
History of the Church of Russia from the Revolution to Our
Days (Jordanville, 1952).